Shut Up, War Critics

Just shut up. That’s the new foreign policy line of our masters. When
Senator Edward Kennedy dubbed Iraq "George Bush’s Vietnam", US Secretary
of State Colin Powell told him to be "a little more restrained and
careful" in his comments. I recall that when the US commenced its
bombing of Afghanistan, the White House spokesman claimed that some
journalists were "asking questions that the American people wouldn’t
want asked". Back in the early 1980s, when I reported on the Iranian
soldiers on a troop train to Tehran who were coughing Saddam’s mustard
gas out of their lungs in blood and mucus, a Foreign Office official
told my then editor on The Times that my dispatch was "not helpful". In
other words, stop criticising our ally, Saddam.

So maybe the policy has been around for quite a while. When the
occupation authorities deliberately concealed the attacks against US
troops after the start of the Iraq occupation last year, journalists who
investigated this violence were told that they weren’t covering the big
picture, that only small areas of Iraq were restive. And there was a lot
of clucking of tongues when a few of us decided to take a close look at
US proconsul Paul Bremer’s press laws last year. A whole team of
"Coalition Provisional Authority" lawyers was set up to see how they
could legalise the closure and censorship of Iraqi newspapers that
"incited violence". And whenever we raised questions about it, the CPA
spokesman - and its current attendant lord, Dan Senor, used the same
phrase last week - would announce that "we will not tolerate incitement
to violence".

So when Bremer’s own closure last week of Muqtada Sadr’s silly little
weekly - circulation about a quarter that of the Kent Messenger -
incited the very violence he supposedly wanted to avoid, what did the
American High Commissioner announce? "This will not be tolerated." One
of the paper’s major sins was to have condemned Paul Bremer for taking
Iraq down "Saddam’s path", an article which Bremer condemned in
painstaking detail in his signed letter - in execrable Arabic - to the
editor of the miscreant paper.

Now I’m all against incitement to violence. Just like I’m against
incitement to war by the use of fraudulent claims of weapons of mass
destruction and secret links to al-Qa’ida. Just like I’m against the use
of Saddam’s army against Iraqi cities and the use of America’s army
against Iraqi cities. For let’s remember that some of Muqtada Sadr’s
dangerous militiamen fought Saddam in the 1991 insurgency - the one we
supported and then betrayed. Saddam, of course, knew how to deal with
resistance. "We will not tolerate...," he told his commanders. And we
all know what that meant. No, the Americans are not Saddam’s army. But
the siege of Fallujah is likely to give that city the heroic status
among future generations of Iraqi Sunnis as Basra - surrounded by
Saddam’s hordes in 1991 - holds among Iraqi Shias today.

But still, we must shut up. I remember how last autumn the cabal of
right-wing neo-conservatives who urged the Bush administration into this
war suddenly went to ground. What was this so-called neo-conservative
lobby behind Bush and Cheney, a New York Times columnist demanded to
know, these so-called former Likudist supporters of Israel? When one of
them, Richard Perle, turned up on a radio show with me a few weeks ago,
he insisted that things were getting better in Iraq, that we were all en
route to a cracking little democracy in Mesopotamia.

The moment I suggested that this was a massive case of self-delusion,
Perle replied that Fisk had "always been for the maintenance of the
Baathist regime". I got the message. Anyone who condemned this bloody
mess was a secret Baathist, a lover of the dictator and his torturers.
Thus far have the falcons of Washington fallen.

Of course, the "shut-up" principle works both ways. Back on 16 March
2003, when the world was obsessed with the war that would break out in
Iraq three days later, a tragedy occurred on another battlefield 500
miles west of Baghdad. On that day, an Israeli soldier and his commander
drove a nine-ton Caterpillar bulldozer over a young American peace
activist called Rachel Corrie who was unarmed, clearly visible in a
fluorescent jacket and trying to protect a Palestinian home that the
Israelis intended to destroy. The Caterpillar was part of the regular US
aid to Israel. Israel acquitted its own army of responsibility for
Rachel’s death - which was taped on video by her appalled friends - and
the Bush administration remained gutlessly silent.

Rachel’s grieving mother Elizabeth has been a picture of dignity. US
citizens, she wrote, "should ask themselves how it is that an unarmed US
citizen can be killed with impunity by a soldier from an allied nation
receiving massive US aid... When three Americans were killed, presumably
by Palestinians, in an explosion on October 15th, 2003 ... the FBI came
within 24 hours to investigate the deaths. After one year, neither the
FBI nor any other US-led team has done anything to investigate the death
of an American killed by an Israeli."

Well, the answer is that Bush and his administration know how to shut
themselves up when it pays them to do so. That’s what Condoleezza Rice
initially tried to do when summoned before the 11 September hearings.
And, thanks to the subservience of many members of the White House and
Pentagon press corps, the administration has an easy time. Why, for
example, no press conference questions about Rachel Corrie?

It seems that as long as you say "war on terror", you are safe from all
criticism. For not a single American journalist has investigated the
links between the Israeli army’s "rules of engagement" - so blithely
handed over to US forces on Sharon’s orders - and the behaviour of the
US military in Iraq. The destruction of houses of "suspects", the
wholesale detention of thousands of Iraqis without trial, the cordoning
off of "hostile" villages with razor wire, the bombardment of civilian
areas by Apache helicopter gunships and tanks on the hunt for
"terrorists" are all part of the Israeli military lexicon.

In besieging cities - when they were taking casualties or the number of
civilians killed was becoming too shameful to sustain - the Israeli army
would call a "unilateral suspension of offensive operations". They did
this 11 times after they surrounded Beirut in 1982. And yesterday, the
American army declared a "unilateral suspension of offensive operations"
around Fallujah.

Not a word on this mysterious parallel by America’s reporters, no
questions about the even more mysterious use of identical language. And
in the coming days, we shall - perhaps - find out how many of the
estimated 300 dead of Fallujah were Sunni gunmen and how many were women
and children. Following Israel’s rules is going to lead the Americans
into the same disaster those rules have led the Israelis. But I guess
we’ll shut up about it.

In the end, I suspect, the Iraqis will probably have a greater say in
the US presidential elections than American voters. They will decide if
President Bush loses or wins. The same may apply to Mr Blair. Funny
thing, that a far away people, just 26 million, can change our political
history. As for us, I guess we’ll be expected to shut up.

UK Independent